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Please wait, the book is in the press,
Contains more than 300 pages size 1/8 demy,
Titled ‘killer and contract killers
of Lal Bahadur Shastri'
Written by Premendra
You may send your opinion maximum in 100 words on the mysterious death of Shastriji up to Oct 10, 2009, at: comindia2000@hotmail.com
or on comment box here. Mention your name, postal and email address.
If we find suitable then that may be published in the book
yours
publisher of the book
Shatrughan Sinha did insult of Jaswant Singh and Arun Shourie to praise them alongwith Rahul Gandhi. His next step should not be towards Singla and Jangde who felt in the feet of Sonia. We should welcome if Shatrughan Sinha and Hema Malini would prove again that old is gold.
The actor-turned politician, Shatrughan Sinha, who has a tendency to put his foot in his mouth seems to have done it again in Nagpur when he openly praised the Congress youth icon Rahul Gandhi.
His open praise of Gandhi on the ongoing Maharashtra Assembly elections has caused considerable embarrassment to the BJP which feels that his comments were unwarranted.
Is Shatrughan Sinha in the line of another villain Shakti Kapoor?
Shakti had been requested by the Congress party to campaign in the past Lok Sabha election for their candidate, RK Anand from Delhi, the Supreme Court lawyer. In those days, both RK Anand and Shakti Kapoor were political and filmi villain --- the sting showing Anand bribing to witnesses in the BMW case and Shakti Kapoor promising a reporter a film role if she slept with him had not been aired yet.
Shakti Kapoor took the campaign a little seriously and a little personally perhaps. For as soon as he landed in RK Puram (in a shinning SUV) he hurled a quartet of choicest earthy abuses at Anand's opponent, VK Malhotra of the BJP.
The congress supporters were initially upbeat with the outburst (foul language being the sign of passion in politics) but began to look worried when Shakti started harping on the secret relationship he's had with the women in the Malhotra clan.
R K Anand disassociated himself from Shakti's statements that same evening. Shakti, also being the respectable man that he was in those days, swallowed his pride and took a cab to the airport.
Praising any one is not bad, if intention is good. Intention of Sinha in praising Rahul Gandhi may give bad image to the party which he represents from Patna in the Parliament.
Since coming in the politics he wanted to be the Chief Minister’s candidate of BJP in Bihar. For reaching his destination, he wants to ride on two horses. Through praising again and again Italian Gandhi dynasty, he is hoping to be hero of the bankrupt Bihar Congress Party being failure in Bihar BJP. His fate would be as Lalu or as Nitish, God knows or he himself knows.
I Like BJP leaders including Shotgun. I still see Jaswantji with Vajpayeeji and Advaniji. But line adopted by Shotgun is neither the interest of his party nor the country. He placed an immoral example by his opportunistic statement.
I hope, he will not compete Singla Congress candidate defeated by Navjo Singh Sidhu and Reshamlal Jangde of Chhattisgarh BJP.
The bottom picture showed worshiping of Sonia’s feet by Singla.
Reshamlal Jangde also felt in the feet of Sonia Gandhi in a public meeting of Raipur, seeing his future in Congress Party.
Since Jan Sangh time he was a prominent Satnami leader in the Jan Sangh. He was Lok Sabha Member of BJP in the Ninth Lok Sabha. In interval he joined Congress but after enjoying few months honeymoon, he has come back in his origin party.
Praising Rahul Gandhi along with Jaswant Singh, Arun shourie and other BJP leaders is very bad example in the inner party politics of BJP. It would have been better if these BJP leaders be praised by him separately. Joining these leaders with Rahul Gandhi may be seen as the insult of those leaders. Sinha is lowering not only his image but also the said most respectable leaders.
I find golden raise of rediff news in Shaturughan Sinha’s partylineless dark :
Shatrughan Sinha and Hema Malini will prove again that old is gold. The duo, who was last seen together on screen in Manoj Kumar's Santosh in 1989, thrilled their fans to bits with their presence during a taping of 10 Ka Dum with host Salman Khan.
There was happy banter, laughter jokes, a rapid fire round, dialogue delivery and even antakshari.
Hema Malini, looking better with every passing day, delighted the audience with her Basanti dialogue which she said she had to recite at each meeting during the election campaigns.
Shatrughan proved that his quick wit and elephantine memory has not dimmed with time. He raced through a long tongue-twister of a dialogue from a film he had done 30 years ago! Looking dapper in black with a red scarf, he said it was not the Nehru look he was sporting but the Jinnah one! After all, Jinnah is making more news than anyone else these days, he joked.
By Premendra Agrawal
Sarla Devi was a niece of Ravindra Nath Tagore. Her husband and late Actor Sunil Dutt were Mohyals of Punjab.
Grandson of Mahatma Gandhi has disclosed the love affairs of Mahatma Gandhi with Bengali Sarla Devi married with another freedom fighter editor of Hindustan journal of Lahore. Sarla Devi has a son named Deepak Choudhary. Mahatma Gandhi proposed to Pt Nehru for the marriage of Deepak with Indira. But Nehru rejected the proposal. Later Deepak Chaudhary married with a daughter of Mahatma Gandhi. Chaudhary Ram Bhaj Datt, husband of Sarla Devi was a respected personality known in Arya Samaj, Congress, and Journalists. He was related to famous Mohyal Tree of Punjab and Haryana. Names of Late Sunil Dutt and his wife Nargis are also included in the website of this society in golden words. Romantic letters "While her husband, appointed the last viceroy of India , hammered out the terms of India 's independence and partition, she experienced a passionate union of souls with Nehru, the great unfulfilled love of her life. Morgan (Agatha Christie) had unique access to the hundreds of letters Edwina and Nehru wrote to each other until her death in 1960." Written in the book 'Edwina Mountbatten: A Life of Her Own After Pt Nehru, now I come to Mahatma Gandhi: When Chaudhary Ram Bhaj Datt was in Jail then Mahatama Gandhi was in his home as a host of her wife. Chaudhuri was in jail for his part in the struggle against the British and soon after he arrived, Gandhi - by now dedicated to personal celibacy - wrote in a letter: on October 27, 1919, and addressed to Anasuyaben in Ahemdabad: "Saraladevi’s company is very endearing. She looks after me very well." Within months, he was thinking of their relationship in terms of a "spiritual marriage", according to his grandson - who admits he is unsure what his grandfather meant by this.
Grandson of Mahatma Gandhi has disclosed the love affairs of Mahatma Gandhi with Bengali Sarla Devi married with another freedom fighter editor of Hindustan journal of Lahore.
Sarla Devi has a son named Deepak Choudhary. Mahatma Gandhi proposed to Pt Nehru for the marriage of Deepak with Indira. But Nehru rejected the proposal. Later Deepak Chaudhary married with a daughter of Mahatma Gandhi.
Chaudhary Ram Bhaj Datt, husband of Sarla Devi was a respected personality known in Arya Samaj, Congress, and Journalists. He was related to famous Mohyal Tree of Punjab and Haryana. Names of Late Sunil Dutt and his wife Nargis are also included in the website of this society in golden words.
Romantic letters
"While her husband, appointed the last viceroy of India , hammered out the terms of India 's independence and partition, she experienced a passionate union of souls with Nehru, the great unfulfilled love of her life. Morgan (Agatha Christie) had unique access to the hundreds of letters Edwina and Nehru wrote to each other until her death in 1960." Written in the book 'Edwina Mountbatten: A Life of Her Own
After Pt Nehru, now I come to Mahatma Gandhi:
When Chaudhary Ram Bhaj Datt was in Jail then Mahatama Gandhi was in his home as a host of her wife.
Chaudhuri was in jail for his part in the struggle against the British and soon after he arrived, Gandhi - by now dedicated to personal celibacy - wrote in a letter: on October 27, 1919, and addressed to Anasuyaben in Ahemdabad: "Saraladevi’s company is very endearing. She looks after me very well."
Within months, he was thinking of their relationship in terms of a "spiritual marriage", according to his grandson - who admits he is unsure what his grandfather meant by this.
At the age of 50, Gandhi, a married father of four, came perilously close to succumbing to a temptation that threatened both his family, and his life's work, after falling passionately in love with the beautiful Saraladevi Chaudhuri, three years his junior Rajmohan goes on to write that "for four to five months – between January and May 1920 – Gandhi was clearly dazzled by her personality and seemed to fantasise that providence desired them together to shape India to a new design. He wrote to her that he often dreamt of her and that she was a great shakti." During this period, Young India carried a song by Saraladevi on the front page and Navjivan published another poem by her along with Gandhi’s comments that it was perfect. More letters: (made available by Prof V. N. Datta, historian and writer) to Sarala dated May 2, 1920, "You will continue to haunt me in my sleep. No wonder that Panditji (Rambhuj Dutt) calls you the greatest shakti. You may cast that spell over him. You are performing the same trick over me." In another letter dated January 23, 1920, the Mahatma wrote, "Saraladevi has been showering her love on me in every possible way." The nature of their relationship is further uncovered in a letter dated August 23, 1920: "You are mine in the purest sense. You ask for a reward of your great surrender, well, it is its own reward." Neither Mahatma Gandhi nor Sarla Devi wrote about their love affairs in their autobiographies. Author Rajmohan Gandhi writes in his new book:"He responded to my father Devdas and letters written to him by the other leaders, especially by Rajagopalachari asking him to come out of the affair." Mahatma Gandhi had also written so many so called spiritual love letters to Sarla Devi. I found the copy of one of those letters:
At the age of 50, Gandhi, a married father of four, came perilously close to succumbing to a temptation that threatened both his family, and his life's work, after falling passionately in love with the beautiful Saraladevi Chaudhuri, three years his junior
Rajmohan goes on to write that "for four to five months – between January and May 1920 – Gandhi was clearly dazzled by her personality and seemed to fantasise that providence desired them together to shape India to a new design. He wrote to her that he often dreamt of her and that she was a great shakti."
During this period, Young India carried a song by Saraladevi on the front page and Navjivan published another poem by her along with Gandhi’s comments that it was perfect.
More letters:
(made available by Prof V. N. Datta, historian and writer) to Sarala dated May 2, 1920, "You will continue to haunt me in my sleep. No wonder that Panditji (Rambhuj Dutt) calls you the greatest shakti. You may cast that spell over him. You are performing the same trick over me." In another letter dated January 23, 1920, the Mahatma wrote, "Saraladevi has been showering her love on me in every possible way." The nature of their relationship is further uncovered in a letter dated August 23, 1920: "You are mine in the purest sense. You ask for a reward of your great surrender, well, it is its own reward."
Neither Mahatma Gandhi nor Sarla Devi wrote about their love affairs in their autobiographies.
Author Rajmohan Gandhi writes in his new book:"He responded to my father Devdas and letters written to him by the other leaders, especially by Rajagopalachari asking him to come out of the affair."
Mahatma Gandhi had also written so many so called spiritual love letters to Sarla Devi. I found the copy of one of those letters:
343. LETTER TO SARLA DEVI 1 February 1, 1940 MY DEAR SARLA, Take a few minutes tonight after prayer. Love. BAPU From a photostat: G.N. 9085
343. LETTER TO SARLA DEVI 1
February 1, 1940
MY DEAR SARLA,
Take a few minutes tonight after prayer.
Love.
BAPU
From a photostat: G.N. 9085
Rajmohan Gandhi felt that 'It is not only a great injustice but it is completely incorrect. When Gandhi actually did fall for Saraladevi he was 50 and she was 47. When he visited the Jalianwala Bagh massacre in Amritsar to study what had happened and to know about the repression that had taken place, Saraladevi was also in Punjab to get the public to fight the repression. "She was the hostess where he stayed. Her husband was in prison at the time. During those few months in the early 1920's, Gandhi fell for Saraladevi in a big way. However, he broke the relationship. There was an aesthetic element in that relationship and might even have been a mild erotic element too. There was an emotional element in the relationship. But Gandhi's own reflections aided by very strong words from his son (my father), from his secretary Mahadev Desai and from the future father-in law of his son, C Raja Gopalachari, who wrote a strong letter, only made Gandhi realize that he was on the wrong track. He broke the relationship." Sarladevi was greatly wounded when he broke that relationship. There was no sex in that relationship but there was a romance in
Rajmohan Gandhi felt that 'It is not only a great injustice but it is completely incorrect. When Gandhi actually did fall for Saraladevi he was 50 and she was 47. When he visited the Jalianwala Bagh massacre in Amritsar to study what had happened and to know about the repression that had taken place, Saraladevi was also in Punjab to get the public to fight the repression.
"She was the hostess where he stayed. Her husband was in prison at the time. During those few months in the early 1920's, Gandhi fell for Saraladevi in a big way.
However, he broke the relationship. There was an aesthetic element in that relationship and might even have been a mild erotic element too. There was an emotional element in the relationship. But Gandhi's own reflections aided by very strong words from his son (my father), from his secretary Mahadev Desai and from the future father-in law of his son, C Raja Gopalachari, who wrote a strong letter, only made Gandhi realize that he was on the wrong track. He broke the relationship."
Sarladevi was greatly wounded when he broke that relationship. There was no sex in that relationship but there was a romance in
hat relationship. Gandhi had a fantasy that the two together might do something for India , but afterwards he ended that relationship. In having that relationship he showed humanity and in breaking that relationship he showed his toughness and his Mahatmahood, as written by his grandson in his book.
(1)
You said leaving for Tashkent
For that you had said goodbye
You never said you are leaving, you never said goodbye. You said leaving for Tashkent
You never said you are leaving!
(2)
A million times we needed you, A million times we salute you,
You were gone before I knew it, and only god knew why. You said leaving for Tashkent
(3)
In life we loved you dearly, after death we love you still, in our heart you have a place that no one can ever steal. You said leaving for Tashkent
(4)
It broke our heart to lose you, but you didn't go alone, for a part of us went with you, the day god took you home
of Lal Bahadur Shastri’
You may send your opinion maximum in 75 words on the mysterious death of Shastriji up to Oct 10, 2009, at: comindia2000@hotmail.com
Among the giants of the twentieth century, Mao Zedong (1893–1978) and Mao’s famous dictum that “political power grows out of the barrel of a gun” places him squarely in the tradi-tion of military might and physical force as the best methods to achieve social change, while Gandhi clung, all the while he engaged in his “Experiments With Truth,” to the value of Ahisma, or non-violence to any living thing.
Ironically Mao, the man of might, died a natural death at age 85; while Gandhi, the man of personal and political peace, died by an assassin’s bullet at age 79.
Both chose to identify with the poor villagers and farmers who made up a vast majority of both India and China during the first half of this century. Both men mobilized mass movements of common people, each faced a form of western imperial and colonial rule, both espoused not only political independence but insisted on changing the hearts and minds of people, not only in their own nations but around the world. Each man left lasting legacies in India and China as well as large ideological follow-ings around the globe.
Both leaders were challenged to expand their nationalist movements beyond the small middle class educated elite to the broad stream of mass support and participation. Each man sought in his own way. In that sense both hoped to resocialize their people to become a new “Maoist man,” and “Gandhian man.”
In the wake of the increasing irrelevancy of Mao an Gandhi, their own nations have drifted into a moral vacuum where self-interest and materialism largely shape cultural values.
Each had differing ideas about the place of industry and agriculture, the values and symbols needed to mobilize people, the place of violence and force in effecting social change, and the role of personal morality in the larger arena of public morality.
Self-sufficient village economy of Gandhi
Gandhi is of the view that full employment of human resources is the basic need of a country. It is true that national income will increase if each and every persons (whether skilled or unskilled) is employed fully. This cannot be possible only with the development of large-scale industries because of their labour-saving nature. Agricultural sector too cannot solve the problem of unemployment or underemployment due to its seasonal nature. Therefore mechanization and large scale production cannot provide the solution to the problem of poverty and unemployment. Self-sufficient village economy is an alternative solution and in this context the role of institutions in the rural sector like the village panchayat and rural multipurpose co-operative can play a vital role. We cite here an example of multipurpose co-operative society located at Sridharpur village of Burdwan district of West Bengal. The society is formed with the unlimited liability. It perform multipurpose activities All the welfare activities are so designed, identified and implemented that nobody is a loser and that everybody living in the villages emerges gainer. The society is able to create a benign atmosphere all around and members legitimately feel that it is their society upon which their development depends.
We therefore plead for Sridharpur type society which is free from political interference. This can fulfill Gandhi’s dream of self-sufficient village economy.
Please wait, the book is in the press, Contains more than 300 pages size 1/8 demy, Titled ‘killer and contract killers of Lal Bahadur Shastri’ Written by Premendra You may send your opinion maximum in 75 words on the mysterious death of Shastriji up to Oct 10, 2009, at: comindia2000@hotmail.com or on comment box here. Mention your name, postal and email address. If we find suitable then that may be published in the book yours publisher of the book
PM in the role of Krishna Menon, this is a wrong signal. India’s airbase is now on China border. It is a right step to correct the mistake of 1962. At that time India did not use its air force. There was no co-ordination between our three wings: Air, Navy and Army.
Dhritrashtra Nehru’s heir P M Manmohan Singh being in the role of comrade Krishna Menon says on Sept 19, 2009: Don't believe everything you see on TV or read in the papers, certainly not when it comes to China.
Hindi chini bhai bhai’ slogan was given in 1962. Due to Panchsheel agreement our Prime Minister Pt Jawahar Lal Nehru became Dhritrasthtra. Chinese soldiers entered in the laddakh and our soldiers were defending with canvas boot that slid on the snow. Our soldiers did not have even snow glasses which led to snow blindness. Still friend of Kaul comrade V K Krishna Menon was saying “Oh! They are not going to fight” On September 8, 1962 Chinese has intruded into Indian Territory south of MacMahon line.
Now at an iftar party in his house, the PM said he saw no evidence of increased aggression by Chinese troops into Indian Territory. The government has always maintained that the differing perceptions of the line of actual controlled to Chinese patrols going awry. He added that Chinese ambassador Zhang Yan had come to meet the national security adviser, MK Narayanan, on Sept 17, 2009. According to the PM, the envoy had very "good discussions" with him.
Government sources also added that the "disclosure" notification filed by China in the ADB on Arunachal Pradesh would have no impact on the project, or the funding.
There has been a spate of media reports about repeated Chinese incursions into Indian Territory in both western and eastern sectors, from Leh to Arunachal even in Sikkim. While the government blames the media, its government officials, in the security and armed services who have been leaking these stories, including photographs of Chinese characters spray-painted on rocks.
India did not use its air force in 1962 Indo China War. There was no co-ordination between our three wings: Air, Navy and Army.
AIR Leh goes hi-tech
Leh in J&K, has the world's highest radio station. The old All India Radio station-Leh has undergone a technological up gradation on May 29, 2008.
"India could have won 1962 war"
There is a report, published in The Hindu on Oct 09, 2006. India could have defeated China in the 1962 war had its air force been used, former Air Vice-Marshal A. K. Tewary said.
He claimed that the then political-bureaucratic combine sought U.S. Air Force's help and did not even consulted the IAF chief. ``In the final analysis, the use of combat air power would have turned the tables on the Chinese and the 1962 war could well have been a debacle for China," Air Vice-Marshal Tewary said in an article in `Indian Defence Review.'
Quoting top military and bureaucratic leadership of that time, he said the "costly and catastrophic omission" of not using the IAF was a result of several factors that ``impinged on the decision-making process at the highest level," including the "influence" on Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, of Prof. P. M. S. Blackett, the then Advisor for Defense , as well as the counsel of the U.S. Ambassador John K Galbraith who "over-estimated the capability of the Chinese air force in the absence of proper air defense infrastructure in India."
Another factor was the analysis of then Director of Intelligence Bureau (DIB) B. N. Mullick, a close confidant of Nehru, that Chinese bombers would bomb Indian cities in response to the use if IAF's combat jets, he said.
The former Air Vice-Marshal said "since IB did not have the firsthand knowledge [on Chinese air force capabilities], they sought help from `our good friends' [CIA]," which exaggerated the threat perception.
He quoted top defense analyst George Tanham and said that while the political-bureaucratic combine "pleaded to U.S. President John F Kennedy for 12 squadrons of Star fighters [F-104] and four squadrons of B-47 Bombers as an immediate USAF help to stem the Chinese advance, they did not deem it fit to even consult the Indian Air Force chief,"
The IAF officer said the then Army commander responsible for NEFA, Lt. Gen. B. M. Kaul, had conceded in his book that "we made a great mistake in not employing our air force in a close support role during these operations."
He also quoted late National Security Advisor J. N. Dixit, who was then Under Secretary in the China Division of the External Affairs Ministry, as saying that by the time Nehru was coming round to the suggestion for use of air power, the Chinese had declared a unilateral ceasefire.
Dixit, the IAF officer said, had pointed out that the Chinese logistical arrangements and supply lines were too stretched and that it did not have sufficient air power in Tibet at that point of time.
"India's air strikes would stop the Chinese advance and neutralise the military successes which they had achieved," Dixit had said, adding that this suggestion was rejected on the grounds that it had come from officers who were not military experts.